Legislation · English edition

The UAP Disclosure Act — what it proposed, and what was cut

This is the most concrete item in all of exopolitics: a bill in the United States Senate, written in plain statutory language, premised on the possibility that the government holds UAP material without a clear mandate to withhold it. This page walks through what the text said, why it was modelled on the JFK Records Act, and how it was taken apart before passage.

Compiled and signed by Christian Séance.

2023
Introduced by Chuck Schumer and Mike Rounds as an amendment to the FY2024 defense bill (NDAA).
1992
The model: the JFK Records Act, which forced release of the assassination records.
9
Members on the proposed independent Review Board, appointed by the President.
25 yrs
Proposed presumption: records older than 25 years released unless an exemption was justified.

Why this particular bill matters

Almost everything filed under exopolitics lacks documents. The UAP Disclosure Act is the exception: a published statutory text, with sections, definitions and a proposed institutional structure, introduced by the then Senate Majority Leader. You do not have to believe a single insider account to discuss it — you can read it.

The bill does not assert that non-human technology exists. It does something legally more interesting: it writes into law how the state must handle such material if it exists, and shifts the burden of justifying secrecy from the public to the agency.

That also makes it a useful yardstick. A claim that cannot be turned into a statutory section, an archival obligation or a hearing procedure does not belong in politics — it belongs to belief.

The core provisions

The summary below follows the text of S.Amdt. 2610 (UAP Disclosure Act of 2023). The wording is mine; links to the original are at the bottom.

A single records collection
Every federal agency would identify, inventory and transmit UAP-related records to one collection at the National Archives, with a presumption of disclosure.
Independent Review Board
A nine-member board, appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, would decide what may stay classified — not the agency that owns the secret.
Reversed burden of proof
Continued withholding would require a specific, reviewable justification per record. The default was release, not secrecy.
Statutory definitions
The text defined 'unidentified anomalous phenomena', 'legacy program' and — most discussed — 'non-human intelligence' and 'technologies of unknown origin'.
The eminent domain clause
Federal ownership would be asserted over recovered material of unknown origin held by private entities. This drew the strongest opposition.
Protection for witnesses
People holding classified knowledge could testify to the board without breaching their non-disclosure obligations.

What happened

  1. July 2023

    Congressional hearing where former intelligence officer David Grusch testifies under oath that he was briefed on a recovery program. He presents no material; the testimony becomes the political starting point.

  2. July 2023

    Schumer and Rounds introduce the UAP Disclosure Act as an NDAA amendment, explicitly modelled on the JFK Records Act.

  3. Autumn 2023

    The provision clears the Senate as part of the NDAA package.

  4. December 2023

    In conference between the chambers the core is removed: the Review Board and the eminent domain clause are gone. What survives is mainly the records collection and the definitions.

  5. 2024–2025

    Parts of the proposal return in various forms and a new version of the UAP Disclosure Act circulates in the Senate. No version with a board and a reversed burden of proof has been enacted.

  6. 22 July 2026

    Breakthrough in the House: Eric Burlison (R-MO) gets his version of the UAP Disclosure Act adopted as an amendment to the FY2027 defense bill (H.R. 8800) — the first time either chamber has passed a comprehensive disclosure framework on the floor. The full NDAA passes the same day, 216–212.

  7. After July 2026

    The amendment restores the core: a permanent UAP Records Collection at the National Archives, an independent, Senate-confirmed Review Board with subpoena power, obligations extended to covered government contractors, and eminent domain over recovered material held by private entities. It also backs the Trump administration's PURSUE system. But the FY2027 NDAA now sits with the Senate — the same conference stage where the core was stripped in 2023.

What survived the cuts

The enacted version kept the duty to collect UAP records at the National Archives and kept the legal definitions. That is not nothing: a collection that exists in law can be requested, audited and criticised for being incomplete.

But the mechanism that gave the bill teeth — an independent board reviewing classification, and a presumption of disclosure — was removed. Without it, the same agencies that hold the material still decide what the public sees. That is precisely the constitutional objection Danny Sheehan and the New Paradigm Institute press: withholding without a clear mandate, reviewed by no outside body.

The conclusion is unglamorous and decisive: this is settled in committee, in archival inventories and in hearing transcripts — not in stories about federations and treaties.

Which is exactly why 22 July 2026 is the most important news in years: the House adopted Eric Burlison's UAP Disclosure Act as an amendment to the FY2027 NDAA, with the Review Board, subpoena power, contractor obligations and the eminent domain clause back in the text. It is the first time a full disclosure framework has passed on the floor of either chamber. But it is not law yet: the package is with the Senate, and 2023 showed that the final negotiation is where the core tends to disappear.

Caveats and fair objections

  • A statute defining 'non-human intelligence' proves nothing about the facts. Legislatures routinely define phenomena whose existence is unproven, in order to regulate how they would be handled.
  • Grusch's account is sworn testimony, not documentation. It justifies scrutiny; it does not settle the question.
  • A clause being cut has several possible explanations — constitutional objections to the taking of private property, defense-industry interests, or simple reluctance to build a new body. Assuming only the most dramatic motive is its own kind of credulity.
  • Parts of the movement read every deletion as confirmation. If every outcome confirms the thesis, the thesis is no longer testable.

Why this concerns Sweden

Sweden has no equivalent legislation and no agency with an explicit UAP mandate. What exists is the principle of public access to official documents, the records of the Armed Forces and FOI, and older investigative material that can be requested.

If the American process forces material into the open, the consequences are immediate here: airspace surveillance, intelligence cooperation, technology controls and research ethics are shared concerns. A Swedish position needs to be formulated now, in terms of transparency and preparedness — not as an endorsement of anyone's cosmology.

Read the primary sources

Read the statutory text yourself before trusting anyone's summary — including mine.

Take action

Put UAP on the political agenda

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Sign the petitionThe petition is hosted on Mittskifte (Swedish).